Chapter 739 - Shipbuilding Plan
Xiao Zishan and Fang Fei conferred and concluded that since late November had already arrived, the fleet's return would initiate a cascade of post-operation responsibilities—including the "Plan-Do-Check-Act" complete process that Wen Desi repeatedly championed. All of that would consume at least a fortnight. They also needed to transport infrastructure materials and essential munitions to Base 852 in Hong Kong, ensuring the Hong Kong Detachment could withstand any local enemy counterattacks.
Given these calculations, Xiao Zishan judged it wiser to postpone the Annual Meeting until late December—a celebration coinciding with the Gregorian New Year of 1631.
"Consider this: after enduring a trade blockade for more than six months, many supplies have run out. This additional month gives us breathing room. Once supplies are plentiful again, organizing the Annual Meeting will be far more convenient."
The Annual Meeting was thus finalized for around December 26th. According to nearly three years of observation by the Gaoshanling Meteorological Observatory, the minimum temperature in Lingao during winter in this spacetime hovered around 9-10 degrees Celsius, typically occurring in mid-January. The average temperature in late December remained a comfortable 17 or 18 degrees, occasionally reaching 21 degrees—perfectly warm for an open-air gathering by the sea.
Within the Executive Committee, intense consultations were underway concerning the results of the Pearl River action, follow-up matters, and next year's strategic planning. Liu Xiang's disappearance from the Pearl River Estuary had caught the Executive Committee off guard—they hadn't expected this Chief Pirate, who had fought Zheng Zhilong to the bitter end, to so decisively abandon his traditional territory and avoid battle. The Executive Committee harbored deep anxiety about this, fearing Liu Xiang might choose an opportune moment to launch a massive counterattack on the Hong Kong base. That foothold remained in its rudimentary stages; whether speaking of the sub-fleet or the garrison, forces there were dangerously thin. Large-scale reinforcement was urgently needed.
Reinforcement supplies from Lingao included not merely cannons, soldiers, and building materials but also a substantial contingent of skilled construction workers for Hong Kong's port infrastructure—scheduled to open the following year. Wharves, trestle bridges, warehouses, shops. Si Kaide lobbied daily at the Executive Committee working meetings for supplies and shipping tonnage to Hong Kong. Apart from items purchasable nearby in Guangdong, most of Hong Kong's requirements still needed to be shipped from Lingao.
The sea route of over 700 kilometers from Lingao to Hong Kong placed the construction of a large-scale convoy and escort system squarely on the agenda. Purely civilian shipping enterprises like Gaoguang Shipping, used previously, could no longer provide adequate protection—Liu Xiang and Zheng Zhilong could launch indiscriminate attacks on all ships traversing this route at any moment.
On Hainan Island itself, aside from Qiongshan, the northern counties had fallen into Australian Song hands one after another. But the subsequent regime construction in each county required the circulation of vast quantities of personnel and supplies, all dependent on substantial sea transport capacity. Meanwhile, demands for supplies and manpower to develop Sanya continued unabated, straining shipping capacity to its limits. Except for the few months during the counter-encirclement campaign when foreign trade was interrupted and shipping capacity loosened, since the Chengmai Grand Victory, the entire sea transport system had faced overwhelming demand. By October, even the allocation of coastal transport tonnage—previously unrestricted—had been brought under the Planning Agency's comprehensive management.
This transport capacity tension made relying on the original small and medium naval vessels for freight increasingly untenable. Excessively frequent sea voyages accelerated wear on ships and sailors alike, and maritime losses had begun to rise.
Fleet expansion had become an Executive Committee consensus, yet throughout 1630, war and Sanya development had consumed more than half the annual budget through Finance Directorate investments in infrastructure, army and navy expenditures, and military facilities. Direct spending on shipbuilding had been virtually zero. Lingao's shipping industry subsisted almost entirely on the maintenance and conversion of old ships. Although the fleet's scale appeared considerable—126 old-style double-masted sailing ships exceeding 100 tons, plus another 92 single-mast vessels of 30-70 tons—the reality was precarious.
All these ships were managed and controlled by the Navy. Some had been converted for use as fishing boats; others, fitted with varying numbers of cannons and typewriters (machine guns), served as dedicated Special Service Boats for combat. Still others mounted a small number of cannons for general maritime duties, including transport, patrol, and fishing. Naming conventions were simple: Registered Port plus Usage plus Number—hence designations like "Lin-Te" (Lingao Special), "Lin-Yu" (Lingao Fish), and "Lin-Yun" (Lingao Transport).
Twenty-one ships with deadweight tonnages of 200-500 tons—large sailing ships like the Qionghai Coal—had been granted individual ship names and were used centrally as dedicated transport vessels. The grain transport ships to Vietnam and the supply transports to Sanya and Hong Kong all fell to these "Large Ships." They carried light armament and left room for expanding firepower; they could be committed to battle when necessary.
Apart from these Navy-controlled vessels, the Guangzhou-Leizhou-Lingao route had previously been served by ships from Gaoguang Shipping and Haian Shipping. Controlled by the Ministry of Colonization and Trade and managed by Guangzhou Station and Leizhou Station respectively, Gaoguang Shipping possessed twelve three-masted large Fu ships, named in the "Guang + Heavenly Stem" and "Gao + Earthly Branch" patterns. These ships had operated regular passenger-cargo mixed routes between Guangzhou and Lingao with booming business before the Second Counter-Encirclement Campaign. When the operation commenced, some ships fled to Lingao while others were detained and confiscated by the government. Business had yet to recover.
As for Haian Shipping's vessels, all were smaller-tonnage salt ships used along the coast, originally transporting Leizhou sugar to Guangzhou and other destinations. Besides sugar, they usually carried Leizhou coal, timber, and agricultural products to Lingao on short-distance routes.
Although most ships were managed and used by the Navy, the actual allocation of transport tonnage was specifically controlled by the Planning Agency. The Transport Office maintained detailed stowage diagrams and tables recording various cargo logistics situations accurate to the hour.
After the Navy executed the Pearl River Estuary Campaign, a large number of ships had been diverted to serve as warships and transport ships, making Lingao's shipping capacity even scarcer. Furthermore, the permanent stationing of two squadrons of Special Service Boats in Hong Kong further shrank the already overstretched Navy fleet capacity.
Their Swift Whale self-propelled deck barge boasted impressive transport volume, but this vessel could only operate in coastal areas with relatively calm sea conditions, and its diesel-powered engine had already consumed considerable fuel during several Sanya transport missions. As the only modern ship capable of handling super-large, super-heavy, or super-long cargoes, the Planning Agency couldn't bring itself to continue committing it to routine freight tasks.
This dire situation finally propelled the motion for emergency shipbuilding to the forefront at the Executive Committee's working meeting. Shipbuilding had to address not only transport needs but also the expansion of naval combat vessels. Chen Haiyang explicitly stated at the meeting that the existing armed Special Service ships were too small in tonnage, limiting both the number and caliber of cannons that could be installed. He particularly singled out the 24-pounder Carronades mounted on some Special Service Boats, deeming these small, short-range cannons of limited value.
"The effective range of a 24-pounder Carronade is only 100-200 meters. Against Western warships, we lose in range. Against pirate fleets like Liu Xiang's, if a single artillery volley cannot destroy the enemy ship and allow immediate reload, we'll be overwhelmed in boarding battles." Chen Haiyang noted that in the Humen and Guangdong inland river engagements, Special Service Boat Squadrons equipped with Carronades had repeatedly waited for Cannon Squadrons to inflict damage from long range before joining battle—avoiding Ming Army Hongyipao (Red Barbarian Cannons) at close range.
"The Carronade Squadron only demonstrated its advantage of relatively strong destructiveness in the Battle of Lantau—dealing with small groups of pirates possessing very poor firepower and no numerical advantage. In the long run, Carronade Squadrons can only serve patrol or escort functions."
Additionally, most Special Service Boats were too small in tonnage for sustained operations—some ships were of poor build quality, and none had copper sheathing on their bottoms. Shipworm damage and marine organism fouling had become extremely serious. Chen Haiyang estimated that approximately one-third of the ships required immediate maintenance.
"If we continue using Special Service ships for heavy transport and escort missions, we'll soon face an awkward situation where more than half the fleet will be undergoing maintenance by the first half of 1631," Chen Haiyang warned. "Shipbuilding—especially building large-tonnage ships capable of long-term service—is imperative!"
"Our current arrangement, where transport ships and warships are not separated, is inappropriate. Superficially it appears comprehensive, but in reality—whether in modification or allocation—it leaves everything neither fish nor fowl." Navy Chief of Naval Operations Ming Qiu concurred.
The only ships the Australian Song Navy had truly modified or built as warships were the Zhenhai and Fubo double-masted gunboats and iron-ribbed wood-hulled triangular sail patrol boats—none exceeding 200 tons. These were ships as small as could be. The Chief of Naval Operations Department had concluded from map wargames that if the four Type 8154 Cruisers didn't sortie, the Australian Song Navy could only maintain absolute superiority in small-scale engagements. When confronting large maritime forces like Liu Xiang's or Zheng Zhilong's—who could mobilize hundreds of large ships at will—the Navy would struggle to ensure victory.
The Navy therefore sought several large-tonnage, sail or steam-powered warships. In armament, speed, and endurance, they should at minimum reach the level of early 19th-century cruisers.
Finally, the Navy put forward its request: start construction of two thousand-ton class three-masted sailing cruisers within the 1630 fiscal year via supplementary appropriation, and begin another 6-10 500-ton class armed auxiliary vessels in the 1631 fiscal year.
"Obviously, this is somewhat rushed." Ma Qianzhu spoke only after Chen Haiyang had finished. "Large warships certainly have great utility. However, setting aside the question of whether our technical capabilities and material reserves suffice for 19th-century level cruiser construction—the construction cycle for such a thousand-ton ship would require at least a year, correct?" He glanced back at Zhan Wuya.
"A three-hundred-ton wooden ship, with sufficient materials and manpower, takes approximately six months using rush construction methods," Zhan Wuya confirmed. "But now that we can build iron-ribbed ships, the construction cycle can be shortened further. Three to four months."
"Clearly, what we need now isn't those big ships—we need vessels that can enter service quickly, within two or three months." Ma Qianzhu pressed on. "Existing naval ships will face overhaul and maintenance problems within half a year. Starting construction on ships that can only enter service a year later merely creates a power vacuum."
This amounted to direct opposition to the Navy's proposed shipbuilding plan. A chill settled over the Executive Committee conference room. Chen Haiyang wanted to rebut, but Ma Qianzhu's arguments were well-founded and confirmed by the industrial department.
Wu De intervened: "It's too late to build large warships. I think we should first address the transport capacity problem at its root."
At its core, the Navy's burden was excessive—too many tasks and too heavy a transport load left ships insufficient time for maintenance. Wu De suggested crash-building a batch of dedicated transport ships to replace the Special Service Boats currently in use, liberating them from heavy transport duties.
"I don't understand shipbuilding, but we can reference the American concept of Liberty Ship construction—standardizing the design and construction of a batch of armed transport ships. At this stage, for rapid construction, we should limit ship tonnage to 300-500 tons, using wind sail power." Wu De elaborated. "Naturally, space can be reserved for future steam engine installation."
"If steam engines are to be installed, a smaller one would suffice initially—50 horsepower is enough," Wen Desi interjected. "As auxiliary power for sail manipulation. Steam-assisted sail handling would significantly reduce requirements for sailors' skill levels while also saving considerable manpower."
Zhan Wuya calculated: "Using iron-ribbed wood-hulled construction, completion would take approximately four months."
Ma Qianzhu was dissatisfied: "Still a bit slow. Ideally, they should enter service within two or three months."
Wu De offered another proposal: "My additional suggestion is to build barges."
Wu De explained that his survey of transport conditions had revealed that a large portion of transport capacity was consumed by coastal traffic, including short-distance bulk transport like salt from Maniao to Bopu. Although a convoy system was employed, every ship effectively navigated independently under sail.
He proposed using their technologically mature steam Daihatsu boats as tugboats while rapidly building a batch of unpowered barges for coastal transport tasks.
"All-steel barges can carry over a thousand tons," Wu De noted. "We don't have that much steel, so we build iron-framed wood-hulled barges—even decks aren't necessary. Capacity of around 200 tons per barge, organized in convoys of ten."
"In that case, steam Daihatsu boats won't have sufficient power to tow them," Wen Desi objected.
"Then build steam tugboats!" Wu De countered. "We can manufacture 500 horsepower steam engines now. Building or modifying a few tugboats for coastal use shouldn't pose a problem."
The group found this plan feasible. Building 500 horsepower steam engines had become relatively routine work for the machinery department. As for the tugboat itself—if sea condition requirements weren't stringent—constructing small tugboats wasn't particularly difficult. The construction period would be approximately one month.
Regarding the naval combat power expansion that the Navy had raised, Wen Desi proposed reviving the shelved Project 854. This large ship, originally intended as the Empire's first ironclad, had completed its keel laying and rib installation before being forced to shut down due to excessive steel consumption. Since then, Project 854 had stood like some prehistoric dinosaur's skeleton, displayed on the shipyard slipway for all to admire.
Truthfully, even just the keel and ribs conveyed an imposing presence that had shocked countless indigenous people. They couldn't fathom how these giant iron bones had been manufactured, nor could they imagine the manpower required to assemble them.
The discontinuation of Project 854 had much to do with insufficient steel supply. More critically, qualified riveters were pitifully few at the time. The handful of apprentices Zhou Bili led could barely manage boiler manufacturing; large-scale hull riveting was nearly impossible in terms of both process difficulty and manpower.
Although Wen Desi still smarted over Project 854's suspension, shipbuilding didn't rely solely on blueprints—workers' technical capabilities and processing ability were equally essential. He had been forced to accept reality.
Now, after mass-manufacturing the Mohist series boilers—colloquially known as "Bomb Boilers"—Zhou Bili's disciples and grand-disciples had accumulated considerable experience. While they wouldn't dare attempt riveting of such a massive hull, they possessed reasonable confidence regarding some hull components and marine boilers.
Wen Desi proposed a revised "854 Modified" plan calibrated to the workers' actual technical level.
The 854 Modified plan would utilize Project 854's completed components. The ship form and structure would remain unchanged; only the construction process would be technically simplified—converting the original all-iron hull to iron-ribbed wood-hulled construction. Wood-hulled ships were easier to maintain than iron-hulled vessels. Construction could proceed without relying on the somewhat unreliable riveting skills of indigenous workers. Steel requirements would also drop significantly.
The formal model designation for 854 Modified was the "1630 Class Iron-Ribbed Wood-Hulled Clipper-Bow Steam-Auxiliary Sail Cruiser." Design specifications: Displacement 1160 tons, Length 70 meters, Beam 9.9 meters, Draft 6.25 meters. One 200 horsepower steam engine installed. Speed 8 knots (steam power), 16 knots (sail power). Crew 109. Full-rigged layout. The steam engine would provide not only navigation power but also power for sail handling, greatly reducing the number of sailors required.
This ship type was modeled on the steam-sail hybrid cruisers of the 1860s. Warships of this tonnage were classified as 3rd Class Cruisers in the contemporaneous US Navy. As commerce raiders, they had been used extensively during the American Civil War, their footprints spanning the world's major oceans.
(End of Chapter)