Chapter 2314 - Tangled Relationships

Capital relocation and industrial transfer had been topics of debate in the Senate ever since the recovery of Guangzhou. From a developmental perspective, basing operations on the mainland was the Senate's established national policy—Hainan had only ever been a springboard. Leaving Hainan would be the first true step in the Senate's journey.

However, unlike those Senators whose minds were filled with grand plans, many didn't want to leave Lingao. Ten years after landing, Lingao had become a de facto hometown. It held everything they were familiar with—their "comfort nest." Moreover, relocating meant moving most of the medical staff from Lingao General Hospital, and everyone trusted the Senator doctors and nurses far more than the "accomplished disciples" they had trained.

After considerable negotiation and discussion, a compromise was finally reached. Administrative departments would move to Guangzhou, while core industrial departments currently in Lingao would remain—besides the industrial Senators not wanting to move, the already-installed equipment wasn't suited for frequent dismantling and relocation.

Educational institutions and research departments established in Lingao would also stay—after all, Lingao was considerably safer than Guangzhou. Only the health system, which concerned Senators' vital interests, received a split decision: some personnel and equipment would relocate to Guangzhou, while others would remain in Lingao under Shi Niaoren's leadership to continue serving the Senators.

Originally, a fragile consensus had been reached on this matter. But relocating the capital and transferring industry would inevitably consume significant resources, which would necessarily affect allocations to the Southbound Faction. Therefore, to compete for resources, the Southbound Faction had recently begun constantly attacking the Liangguang policy, arguing that the strategy and governance of Liangguang were entirely "wasteful"—yielding only vast tracts of low-yield farmland and a massive illiterate population, bringing only "burdens" rather than benefits to the Senate.

This argument had once run rampant in the Senate. Especially since the supply of non-ferrous metals and oil had remained unresolved for so long, many industrial Senators had thrown themselves into the Southbound Faction's embrace. After all, compared to Liangguang, which could only address coal and iron resources, the allure of various non-ferrous metals and oil in Southeast Asia was far greater.

The shift in the industrial sector's political winds had greatly boosted the Southbound Faction's momentum. Even Zhan Wuya was tempted. At a Government Administration Council meeting, he raised the question of whether to undertake limited resource extraction in Southeast Asia—particularly regarding the oil supply issue that had long plagued the chemical industry.

Zhan Wuya's offhand suggestion immediately triggered a chain reaction. For a time, remarks like "Liangguang is insufficient to rely on" and "Going South is the Empire's lifeline" became fashionable in the Senate, their influence so great that momentum built toward changing the Senate's strategic layout. Extensive debates erupted within the Senate over resource allocation, where to focus efforts, and what actions to take after the Liangguang war concluded. Both sides engaged in constant verbal battles—from the Senator BBS to the Senate conference room—with memorandums flying everywhere over where to invest resources.

Of course, up to now, the Southbound Faction had not achieved decisive victory. All parties remained deadlocked.

"The Southbound Faction thinks resources will just fall into their hands the moment they start developing Nanyang. How can it be that simple?" Minister Hong lit a "Sonia Lily Sharpel Cigar." "I just have to laugh. Can mining resources on tropical islands in Southeast Asia happen without a construction cycle of five to eight years? They're devouring empty promises with gusto!"

Liu Xiang coughed. Personally, he didn't entirely approve of rash expansion when cadres and finances were insufficient, especially expansion on the mainland. So he was somewhat inclined toward the Southbound Faction's idea of securing resources first. But seeing the Southbound Faction seemingly intent on abandoning Liangguang construction—that ran far from his interests. Still, Old Hong's words were too harsh; he felt obliged to offer some defense.

"Whether it's an empty promise doesn't really matter. Isn't marching north to Shandong, Tianjin, and Jiangnan also an empty promise? The industrial sector won't benefit from that either. Ultimately, any direction has its pros and cons. Ideally we'd bloom on all fronts, but let's be honest—we're pauper imperialists, comparable to the Japanese. If we're being serious, we're not even as good as the Japanese..."

Wen Desi waved his hand. "Whether we go south or north are both strategic decisions for the Senate. As long as the General Assembly passes it, we as Senators should resolutely execute it. So there's no need to debate specific strategic directions. What matters is minimizing the negative impact of the Wuzhou Incident on the Senate."

Liu Xiang pondered for a moment before speaking. "My suggestion is to end the Liangguang campaign as quickly as possible. After completing occupation of the regular official-rule areas controlled by the Ming government, halt large-scale Volte Army military operations. Continue reorganizing and expanding the National Army, and focus first on ensuring security and tax collection in occupied areas. As for deeper governance—that can be postponed. After all, we truly lack administrative cadres. Without allocating more than seven cadres per thousand population, achieving anything substantial in one stroke is impossible..."

Everyone present expressed agreement.

"...As for capital and industrial relocation, since it concerns the century-long plan, it should continue moving forward. Additionally, beyond Guangzhou, select a few prefectures and counties in the Pearl River Delta and locations where we can effectively project power as templates for deep governance. Concentrate strength on exemplary administration. Cadre staffing can be over-allocated—these locations will serve as training bases for administrative cadres."

"Establish more schools in Guangzhou—we can't rely solely on Fangcaodi for training. We can't wait that long. I suggest establishing schools in Guangzhou roughly equivalent to Fangcaodi's level. Recruit local students and students from across Liangguang as reserves for building the region. The Guangzhou civil service exam should be held annually, and the candidate pool can also expand to Liangguang—to accommodate candidates from Guangxi, exam sites can be established in Wuzhou, Guilin, or Nanning. Admitted civil servants can be sent to the Guangzhou Cadre Academy for unified training."

After expounding his "administrative philosophy," Liu Xiang finally said, "As for Xie Erren's problem, I suggest we avoid digging too deeply. Just handle it according to the stance in his report."

"I agree, although very reluctantly." Bei Wei said with evident frustration. "He was so undisciplined, pursuing only personal preferences and pleasures. Not to mention harming the people—the damage to our cause is simply irreparable..."

"Especially our standing in the hearts of naturalized citizens—this time it will suffer yet another discount." Wen Desi sighed quite helplessly. "He was actually rescued by naturalized citizens. This Luo Yangming deserves a death of a thousand cuts..."

"Alright, President Wen, don't engage in that myth-making nonsense." Hong Huangnan said. "You know better than I what kind of creatures populate the Senate. Naturalized citizens' worship of Senators will collapse sooner or later. Without Luo Yangming this time—if Xie Erren had actually been captured and presented to Chongzhen—our troubles would have been enormous..."

"What's so difficult about that?" Wen Desi sniffed and smiled. "Nothing more than Chongzhen using him to threaten us, or chopping off his head after presenting the captive at the Meridian Gate to humiliate us. We simply announce that Xie Erren isn't a Senator."

Liu Xiang couldn't help saying, "President Wen, isn't that too ruthless..."

"If I had the power, I would announce right now that Xie Erren isn't a Senator." Wen Desi waved his hand dismissively.

"Alright, enough angry talk." Bei Wei interrupted their banter. "What do you think of Mayor Liu's suggestion?"

"My opinion is the opposite of yours." Wen Desi said.

The other three were startled. Liu Xiang asked urgently, "Why?"

"Didn't you read this Wuzhou Highlights? If I'm guessing correctly, it's from his own hand. Honestly, I understand blame-shifting—it's human nature. But his version shifts the blame onto resource allocation. Look at these 'objective factors' he raises—they're all caused by insufficient resources..."

"Precisely because insufficient resources caused such a situation, we need to increase investment further..."

"No, no. In the mouths of the Southbound Faction, this becomes: 'Knowing resources were insufficient yet still forcefully pushing the Liangguang strategy, placing Senators in extreme danger, nearly causing irreparable results.' What do you think of this charge?"

Liu Xiang drew a sharp breath. "I overlooked that!"

He had only been thinking about the currently ascendant Southbound Faction, forgetting there was still the "Senator Supremacy Faction" in the Senate—eternally vigilant that "Senatorial Power is Sacred and Inviolable." If they followed Xie Erren's framing, Shan Liang and others could seize this as a weapon for making trouble. This wasn't like the maid allocation controversy—this threatened Senators' personal safety. Once incited, the consequences would be unimaginable.

"In that case, we can only be sorry to Elder Xie." Director Hong said slowly.

"We needn't rush on this matter. I suspect many Senators holding relevant material are waiting for the right moment to make their move. Let's first see how they plan to play it." Wen Desi said. "Our primary task now is cleaning up the mess in Wuzhou."

"Who should we send to replace him?"

"No one for now," Wen Desi said. "First, no Senator knows Wuzhou's situation better than him. Sending someone new would require at least a month just to get oriented. The current situation in Wuzhou isn't suited for changing commanders mid-battle. Second, although the Guangdong Region has authority to select and appoint administrative chiefs for cities and counties, he was appointed by the Organization Department. Dismissing him like this has no procedural problem, but it's inappropriate—disrespectful to the Senate."

"Should we send someone to assist him?" Liu Xiang asked. "Then replace him after results are achieved."

"That's acceptable," Wen Desi nodded. "But there's no rush. The most urgent matter now is projecting more military power to Wuzhou. Bei Wei, can you mobilize new troops?"

"There are new troops. We have surrendered Ming army soldiers being retrained in Hong Kong. Several new squadrons have completed retraining—they're much stronger than those hastily cobbled together to plug holes before. However, they were originally intended for Northern Guangdong."

"Northern Guangdong can wait—Huang Chao and the others can hold the overall situation. Send two squadrons to Wuzhou first. Have them depart immediately!"

(End of Chapter)